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No. 3141
ID: 26b53f
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On Public Relations and the divide between the old and the new.
One of the more unfortunate casualties of the rise of the New Militia is the better part of the old militia. As much as I disdain the sorry state and abundant mistakes of the movement as it exists today, there is a substantial population within its numbers who genuinely mean well despite their movement's failings. Some of these people may have precisely the sort of military experience that the New Militia could make use of, and may even want to enlist under it's auspices. But this, at least initially, cannot be allowed.
The problem stems from the public relations taint that the movement currently bears. In the construction of the New Militia, military discretion and a painstaking quest for acceptance are the first baby steps to be taken toward ultimate success. The new movement can not afford the risk of being seen as an offshoot or subsection of the old movement. This would destroy their attempt at gaining legitimacy before it even got off the ground and the movement would be stillborn.
The new movement must, as a matter of hard necessity, be composed of new faces and a new foundation, with no ties to the old. This means a blank slate when it pertains to contacts, suppliers, fundraising, and infrastructure. The up side is that a clean slate means the movement can establish itself correctly from the outset, and avoid most of the problems that plague the old movement. This has already been discussed at length in the sections above.
So what, if any, part can the old militia play?
The old militia may still have a place at the table beyond that of pariah terrorist and extremist. This involvement however, is keyed upon two things: First is that those members of the old movement who are moderate and more intelligent than their peers are willing to wait patiently instead of giving in to the movement's extremist angles at the first sign of trouble. The second is that they must do so silently, without attempting to involve themselves with, or opposing, the New Militia.
In common parlance, they must "sit out the game until halftime." While the new movement can not associate with them openly for fear of threatening their legitimacy, the skills and resources they possess can still be an asset in the event of actual conflict. At that point in time, legitimacy will be established already and it would not do much damage to the movement to have old-militia members supporting it and guarding it's flanks.
While the New Militia is geared more towards behaving as a proper army, those units of the old militia who can be co-opted to the Movement's aid can be utilized in supporting roles - particularly special operations, where the small, private nature of the old militia structure can lend itself well to secrecy, and where their small numbers are less of a disadvantage. In an actual conflict environment, they can be envisioned acting as scouts, skirmishers, saboteurs and sappers, and performing tasks such as targeted killings and ambush attacks on enemy supply lines and travel routes to cause general degradation of the opponent's infrastructure. This spares the main body of the movement from having to devote forces and supplies to this end, keeps the old militia units from degrading to terrorism and causing trouble, and does have a small but possibly significant effect on the enemy's morale and supply chain.
Furthermore, if these militias can be induced to cause enough trouble, it could force the primary opposition forces to spread their assets thinner: Every convoy would need guard vehicles, every fuel depot and ammunition dump would need tight security, and every military installation would have to be kept in a state of near perpetual lockdown. All of these things are advantageous to the New Movement in the event of war.
It must be forewarned however, that these units are not to be trusted with sensitive intelligence or large responsibilities. For many years they have been infiltrated and co-opted by the intelligence forces of the primary opposition. A certain percentage of them are enemy intelligence assets, and it can be said with certainty that a percentage of those who make themselves useful to the New Militia would be as well. This could be useful in the art of counterintelligence as a pathway down which to inject false information and thereby protect other operations, but it will remain a double edged sword.
On uniforms and uniformity.
As a militant organization seeking a legitimate path to power, the New Militia will likely find itself bound, at least loosely, by the International Laws of Land Warfare. While it is true that irregular armies often forego the Geneva conventions, there are certain small advantages to voluntarily adhering to them.
There are many facets of the Geneva conventions that are likely to be ignored by the Militia in the name of expediency. The conventions were, after all, agreed upon by major national powers fighting major national wars. The rules of a civil conflict are far more ad hoc, owing to the unprofessional nature of the combatants and the necessarily loose chain of command. However, there are two tenants which should be adhered to even if all others are abandoned: Treatment of prisoners and the wearing of distinctive uniform.
In adhering to the Geneva convention rules on the treatment of enemy prisoners, the Movement can take steps to garner more of the ever important legitimacy. The American public never looks favorably upon people who act in an inhumane manner. What would be lost if the Militia were shown to be bloodthirsty killers in the mistreatment or execution of their captured sons, brothers, sisters, and others who were put by happenstance on the opposing side of the conflict? The answer is a great deal. In fact the damage done to the moral authority, public mandate, and legitimacy of the movement would be so devastating that it can not be enumerated in full. I will leave the topic at that. Prisoners must be treated at least humanely, and given basic accommodations and medical care.
The wearing of uniforms poses a unique logistical problem - The uniform is one of the elements, like weapons and ammunition, that should ideally be provided by the individual militiaman for himself, long before the start of actual hostilities. Yet if the movement is required to be cohesive, and recognized as a single unified force as in New Militia doctrine, then somehow it must be coordinated in advance what the standard uniform should be. The problem arises from two factors: The first is "how does the entire militia decide in advance what uniform to use?" and the second is "Where can the uniform be obtained that everyone in every possible area of operations across the US has access to it and can afford it?"
Many debates are based on the merits of different camouflage uniforms. In particular, the old US Army Woodland BDU pattern, modern ACU pattern, and the more effective but much more expensive Multicam pattern vie for the position of "best uniform" along with dozens of foreign made patterns available on the surplus market.
This may be overthinking the problem. The Laws of Land Warfare require only that the uniform be distinctive and visible at a distance. The uniform does not need to encompass all or even part of the actual camouflage attire of the militiaman to satisfy the law. I propose the following: A length of wide red, white, and blue ribbon of any color configuration, be tied around the bicep of the left arm and stitched in place to the fabric of the camouflage top, with 15cm left danging from each end of the knot, as the standard uniform for the Militiaman's Corps. Officers and Squad leaders wear the same ribbon, but on both arms.
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